PM Hailemariam: A Cocktail of Arrogance, Ignorance, and Incompetence !

 

From mr.Endalkachew guluma

Arrogance, ignorance, and incompetence. Not a pretty cocktail of personality traits in the best of situations. No sirree. Not a pretty cocktail in an office-mate and not a pretty cocktail in a head of state. In fact, in a leader, it’s a lethal cocktail.   Graydon Carter

More than a year and half ago, November 1, 2012, I was skeptical about the man but would like to give the benefit of the doubt, hence  wrote, “Mr. Hailemariam Desalegn, 48, has been prime minister of Ethiopia not more than three months now but has already made several serious mistakes. I was among the first who wished him good luck within his first few office days but his unchristian and copycat drama make me question his integrity. I pray God will help him. Mr. Hailemariam is a highly educated man. He has a graduate degree in sanitation engineering. He was President of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and People’s Region (SNNPR) for five years; then served as Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Ethiopia for almost two years. More than that, many claim and witness, including Mr. Hailemariam, that the man is a devout Christian with uncorrupt and respectful solid Christian background. So, how such a strong, educated, dedicated, uncorrupt, and ethical personality becomes full of lies or mistakes? Some say he is a strong Christian with weakness in telling the truth. Is there such personality? If so, can we categorize him as a person with multiple personality? One  who plays tricky political games, entertain lies, enjoy purposeful mistakes, and disregard the truth while another of him regrets, confesses, cries, talks smooth, and believes Christ?…. Now, in February 2014, I have no illusion about the man. I am not skeptic about him.  I know for sure (unequivocally), he doesn’t have multiple personality or any other mental disorder; however, he is just a cocktail of arrogance, ignorance, and incompetence.    Chris Ortiz listed ten signs of leadership incompetence,  and the number is delegating  work rather than balance workloads: In his televised press conference this week, PM Hailemariam told the nation that he is not in control but ‘a committee’ that no one knows. Who are these people? Incompetence breeds incompetence. According to David Dunning, a psychologist at Cornell University, stated ‘incompetence deprives people of the ability to recognize their own incompetence. To put it bluntly, dumb people are too dumb to know it. Similarly, unfunny people don’t have a good enough sense of humor to tell. This disconnect may be responsible for many of society’s problems.’ I know it is yours now, too  The people of Ethiopia elected the house of representative and the house elected you…. We already know that you are not in control but at least you could have said it differently and act like better; however, you couldn’t do it because you are too ignorant to figure out that.  Let me give you a simple example since you may find this concept hard to understand…. Ato Girma, the one who always sit on your far left, is elected by his constituent to serve as a member of parliament. No one, not any committee, but his constituents have the right to take him out…either to make him a local leader or unemployed. That is unequivocally true! But this democratic truth doesn’t work in your case according to your own statement. Don’t you respect your constituent when you say ‘my party can send me anywhere to serve…?’ If you know, your bosses are not those unknown committee members (TPLF?) but the people that elected you…your people!.

Finally, it is offensive to hear what you said about Assab. Being arrogant is being offensive. As a proud Ethiopian, you offended me. Hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians died to protect that part of Ethiopia. It was, it is, and it will be wrong and offensive.

 

 

Russia, Egypt meet to discuss $4B arms deal; Turkey and Egypt row over the Ethiopian dam

 

From  mr.Endalkachew guluma

February 13, 2014 (UPI) — Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and President Putin after the weapons purchase deal that was financed by Saudi Arabia and United Arab Emirate, MOSCOW, Feb. 13 (UPI) – Egyptian Defense Minister Abdel Fattah al-Sisi met with Russian President Vladimir Putin, signaling strengthening ties, officials said. The purpose of al-Sisi’s visit Wednesday was to finalize an arms deal worth a possible $4 billion after the United States halted longstanding military aid and shipments of arms to Egypt, Ahram Online reported, citing anonymous Egyptian military sources. Egyptian Foreign Minister Nabil Fahmy, though, said Egypt is not looking to replace one international partner with another. “These … talks [between defense and foreign ministers] reflect how important Egypt is for Russia and how excellent relations are between us,” he said. Fahmy, who was also on hand for the meeting, said he had planned to discuss the Ethiopian Renaissance dam and counter-terrorism cooperation. Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said the talks emphasized Russia’s desire to “enhance bilateral relations that have continued alongside decades of mutual respect and cooperation.” Egypt minister slams turkey for role in Ethiopian dam . Egyptian Irrigation Minister Mohamed Abdel-Muttalib accused Turkey of offering expertise to Ethiopia over the proposed Nile dam project that will threaten Egypt’s water supply World Bulletin / News Desk | February 13, 2014 Egyptian Irrigation Minister Mohamed Abdel-Muttalib said Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu had visited Addis Ababa and offered Turkish expertise on Ethiopia’s controversial multi-billion dollar hydroelectric dam project. “Any side that doesn’t like Egypt could be in the scene,” Abdel-Muttalib said in televised statements late Tuesday. “The Turkish foreign minister visited Addis Ababa and offered them [Ethiopian officials] Turkish expertise,” he added. “What I want to say is that when Turkey built the Ataturk Dam, it made the Syrians and the Iraqis thirsty and ignored international agreements,” Abdel-Muttalib claimed. “I want to stress that Egypt is not Iraq or Syria, and Ethiopia is not Turkey,” he added.
The Turkish government is yet to respond to the Egyptian minister’s claims. Ethiopia is building a hydroelectric dam, called the Renaissance Dam, over the Blue Nile where most of Egypt’s Nile water revenues come. But the controversial project has raised alarms in Egypt, the most populous Arab country, about itswater share.Nile water distribution among the countries of the Nile basin used to rest on a colonial-era agreement giving Egypt and Sudan the lion’s share of Nile water. Citing development ambitions, Ethiopia insists it needs to build a series of dams to generate electricity both for local consumption and exporting. It maintains that the new dam can be of benefit for the two downstream states of Sudan and Egypt, which will be invited to purchase electricity generated by it. “Ethiopian officials say they do want to harm Egypt. But when we ask them to put that on paper they refuse,” said Abdel- Muttalib. The remarks came hours after his return from Addis Ababa where he held talks with officials there on the dam. He accused Ethiopian officials of turning down all proposals to narrow the gap between the two sides.“We are not naïve to continue dialogue without reaching a solution. There are other alternatives that we need to take,” the minister said without elaborating. Source: World Bulletin

From mr.Endalkachew guluma

 

The challenges of Ethiopian professionals !

                                   From mr.Endalkachew guluma

who are more important ,Ethiopian professionals employees or just employees of government ? I have no question  about the peoples profession , some areas can be cover only by experience. and some sensitive areas needs profession with experience . why  I said so is  weather the place is for professionals or not ,government interferes any time when his members  believes essential to involve for there personal issue.  always interfering and commanding peoples to speak /not to speak , to wright/ not to wright  , to do / not to do  , to go / not to go …. ..In Ethiopia there is no profession respect as the discipline expecting from the professionals .
It is so sad to say , no where  left for professionals workers that the government  refraining him self from interfering. Not only Journalism but also almost every Profession like in high courts Judge’s Lawyers can not work  , Mangers (at any different level and office) , Doctors , drivers and even student at different level etc….
More over those professionals should be part  of the current regime or member of weyane  in order to survive and run there day to day activity. There is wide difference between professional employees and  weyane employees . What I mean is so clear; profession has its own loyalty for that specific field of Staff, that the person is responsible .Those professional’s who give weigh for the staff they are standing or delegated , can  not get something priority and recognition  unless they are part of weyane .   Since it is sometimes a matter of survival for most of them  and may be a matter of lucking or  have no option . So the last option of of those professionals will be to be part of weyane member or will live the country and decide to live abrade . I am really sorry when I mention this point .

The main and post places are already taken by TPLF members and leaders. and they are not professional at all ,some of them manage big organization because they are belongs to the current regime and few of them they might have few training from civil service college . .
I can’t dream the future of Ethiopia, unless truly those professionals are involving with full loyalty through the hole part of Ethiopia with different filed of study  .
all people can not have the same profession and talent , so those politically gifted people need’s to be truly  unite and fight strongly together for better solution .

 

 

Ethiopia is going from sunshine towards hell ! why ?

 

from Mr.Endalkachew guluma

In future Ethiopia is going from sunshine to the darkest/worst  time ! why ?  let me talk about it ! Human Rights Watch is gravely concerned by increased restrictions used to limit human rights activities in many countries. The Ethiopian authorities continue to severely curtail basic freedoms including freedom of expression and association. Human Rights Watch shares the concerns raised by the Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association both in his annual report and in his observations report on the government’s increased use of restrictive legislation to quash dissent and independent voices. Since June 2011, the government has arbitrarily arrested and prosecuted members of the media and political opposition under its vague and overbroad Anti-Terrorism law.  journalists and opposition members have been convicted under the law including on charges of support to terrorism for engaging in the peaceful exercise of freedom of expression journalists, at least some opposition members, and  others are currently on trial facing politically motivated terrorism charges. Similarly, dozens of leaders and members of registered Oromo opposition parties have been detained since August 2011 and are on trial on terrorism-related charges. The 2009 Charities and Societies’ law has been used to strictly curtail the legitimate work of civil society organizations, especially those working on human rights, both in terms of staff numbers and field of work. Several key Ethiopian human rights groups have been forced to significantly reduce their operations due to the restrictions on foreign funding imposed by the law or arbitrary enforcement by the new agency established to regulate nongovernmental activity. More recently, the government has attempted to further curtail the rights to free expression and information by systematically blocking media, human rights and political opposition websites, through a new “agreement” by the largest government printing house in Addis.  This arrangement allows printers to censor material prior to publication.  Additionally, a new law further criminalizes the use of telecommunication networks such as Skype. In his observation report, the Special Rapporteur on the freedom of association also warned that a series of measures taken by the Chinese authorities in respect of the Tibetan Buddhist Kirti monastery, including security raids and surveillance, with police presence inside and outside monasteries to monitor religious activities, seriously impeded the exercise of the right to association of members of the monastic community. Since the immolation by two Tibetans outside Lhasa’s Jokhang temple Human Rights Watch has documented other restrictions on freedom of association and assembly. Security forces in Lhasa have been carrying out sharply increased identity checks on the streets of the city. Tibetans from areas where protests have recently taken place, in eastern Tibet, have been ordered to leave not only the capital, but the Tibetan Autonomous Region (TAR) as well. Those expelled are not known to have been accused of any wrongdoing and there are no reports to date of non-Tibetans being expelled. In addition, Lhasa authorities have imposed a ban on public gatherings of more than three people in the city. Human Rights Watch believes that the progressive denial of rights to Tibetans is likely to further exacerbate tensions in the region, and urges the Chinese government to uphold its obligations on the freedom of association.

 

 

Today, I touch upon human rights, torture and freedom in Ethiopia !

 

FROM  MR.ENDALKACHEW GULUMA

Freedom of expression

A number of journalists and political opposition members were sentenced to lengthy prison terms on terrorism charges for calling for reform, criticizing the government, or for links with peaceful protest movements. Much of the evidence used against these individuals consisted of examples of them exercising their rights to freedom of expression and association.The trials were marred by serious irregularities, including a failure to investigate allegations of torture; denial of, or restrictions on, access to legal counsel; and use of confessions extracted under coercion as admissible evidence.In January, journalists Reyot Alemu, Woubshet Taye and Elias Kifle, opposition party leader Zerihun Gebre-Egziabher, and former opposition supporter Hirut Kifle, were convicted of terrorism offences.In June, journalist Eskinder Nega, opposition leader Andualem Arage, and other dissidents, were given prison sentences ranging from eight years to life in prison on terrorism charges.In December, opposition leaders Bekele Gerba and Olbana Lelisa were sentenced to eight and 13 years’ imprisonment respectively, for “provocation of crimes against the state”.Between July and November, hundreds of Muslims were arrested during a series of protests against alleged government restrictions on freedom of religion, across the country. While many of those arrested were subsequently released, large numbers remained in detention at the end of the year, including key figures of the protest movement. The government made significant efforts to quash the movement and stifle reporting on the protests.In October, 29 leading figures of the protest movement, including members of a committee appointed by the community to represent their grievances to the government, and at least one journalist, were charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.In both May and October, Voice of America correspondents were temporarily detained and interrogated over interviews they had conducted with protesters.The few remaining vestiges of the independent media were subjected to even further restrictions.In April, Temesgen Desalegn, the editor of Feteh, one of the last remaining independent publications, was fined for contempt of court for “biased coverage” of the trial of Eskinder Nega and others. Feteh had published statements from some of the defendants. In August, he was charged with criminal offences for articles he had written or published that were deemed critical of the government, or that called for peaceful protests against government repression. He was released after a few days’ detention and the charges were dropped.In May, the authorities issued a directive requiring printing houses to remove any content which could be defined as “illegal” by the government from any publications they printed. The unduly broad provisions of the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation meant that much legitimate content could be deemed illegal.In July, an edition of Feteh was impounded after state authorities objected to one cover story on the Muslim protests and another speculating about the Prime Minister’s health. Subsequently, state-run printer Berhanena Selam refused to print Feteh or Finote Netsanet, the publication of the largest opposition party, Unity for Democracy and Justice. In November, the party announced that the government had imposed a total ban on Finote Netsanet. A large number of news, politics and human rights websites were blocked. In July, Parliament passed the Telecom Fraud Offences Proclamation, which obstructs the provision and use of various internet and telecommunications technologies.

Human rights defenders

The Charities and Societies Proclamation, along with related directives, continued to significantly restrict the work of human rights defenders, particularly by denying them access to essential funding.In October, the Supreme Court upheld a decision to freeze around US$1 million in assets of the country’s two leading human rights organizations: the Human Rights Council and the Ethiopian Women Lawyers Association. The accounts had been frozen in 2009 after the law was passed.In August, the Human Rights Council, the country’s oldest human rights NGO, was denied permission for proposed national fundraising activities by the government’s Charities and Societies Agency.It was reported that the Agency began enforcing a provision in the law requiring NGO work to be overseen by a relevant government body, severely compromising the independence of NGOs.

Torture and other ill-treatment

Torture and other ill-treatment of prisoners were widespread, particularly during interrogation in pre-trial police detention. Typically, prisoners might be punched, slapped, beaten with sticks and other objects, handcuffed and suspended from the wall or ceiling, denied sleep and left in solitary confinement for long periods. Electrocution, mock-drowning and hanging weights from genitalia were reported in some cases. Many prisoners were forced to sign confessions. Prisoners were used to mete out physical punishment against other prisoners.Allegations of torture made by detainees, including in court, were not investigated.Prison conditions were harsh. Food and water were scarce and sanitation was very poor. Medical treatment was inadequate, and was sometimes withheld from prisoners. Deaths in detention were reported.In February, jailed opposition leader, Andualem Arage, was severely beaten by a fellow prisoner who had been moved into his cell a few days earlier. Later in the year, another opposition leader, Olbana Lelisa was reportedly subjected to the same treatment.In September, two Swedish journalists, sentenced in 2011 to 11 years’ imprisonment on terrorism charges, were pardoned. After their release, the two men reported that they were forced to incriminate themselves and had been subjected to mock execution before they were allowed access to their embassy or a lawyer. Between June and August, a large number of ethnic Sidama were arrested in the SNNP region. This was reportedly in response to further calls for separate regional statehood for the Sidama. A number of arrests took place in August around the celebration of Fichee, the Sidama New Year. Many of those arrested were detained briefly, then released. But a number of leading community figures remained in detention and were charged with crimes against the state.There were reports of people being arrested for taking part in peaceful protests and publicly opposing certain “development projects”.

FROM Ethiopia  MR..ENDALKACHEW GULUMA

 

 

State Department slams Ethiopia on human rights !

 

 

From Mr.Endalkachew guluma

The U.S. government on Friday commended activists, netizens, and journalists for their courage in advocating for universal human rights and expressed concern over the heightened crackdown on civil liberties, rebuking several countries for shrinking the space for journalists and activists.In its 36th annual report of human rights practices around the world, the State Department criticized the increased suppression of freedoms of expression, assembly, association and religion. The report said governments continued to repress or attack the means by which individuals organize and “demand better performance from their rulers” by instituting new impending laws throughout 2012. The State Department report singled out Ethiopia for its use of “counter terrorism or extremism as a pretext for suppressing freedom of expression.” It added the ruling party, EPRDF, used anti-terrorism legislation to prosecute journalists, opposition members, and activists. The report’s expanded section on Ethiopia, a key U.S. ally on the war on terror, contained damning criticisms of  the country’s human rights violations. It documented “politically motivated trials and convictions of opposition figures, activists, journalists, and bloggers, as well as increased restrictions on print media.” The report also highlighted the use of force and arrest of Muslims, who’ve been protesting against what they say is government interference in religious matters for close to two years now.Other grave human rights violations included impunity for government officials; arbitrary killings; allegations of torture, beating, abuse, and mistreatment of detainees by security forces; reports of harsh and at times life-threatening prison conditions; detention without charge and lengthy pretrial detention; a weak, overburdened judiciary subject to political influence; infringement on citizens’ privacy rights, including illegal searches; allegations of abuses in the implementation of the government’s “villagization” program; restrictions on academic freedom; limits on citizens’ ability to change their government; police, administrative, and judicial corruption. Here are some excerpts from the report:

Torture and Other Inhuman Treatments

In 2010 the UN Committee Against Torture reported it was “deeply concerned” about “numerous, ongoing, and consistent allegations” concerning “the routine use of torture” by police, prison officers, and other members of the security forces–including the military–against political dissidents and opposition party members, students, alleged terrorists, and alleged supporters of violent separatist groups like the ONLF and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF). The committee reported that such acts frequently occurred with the participation of, at the instigation of, or with the consent of commanding officers in police stations, detention centers, federal prisons, military bases, and unofficial or secret places of detention. Some reports of such abuses continued during the year. Sources widely believed police investigators often used physical abuse to extract confessions in Maekelawi, the central police investigation headquarters in Addis Ababa. Authorities continued to restrict access by diplomats and NGOs to Maekelawi.

Prison and Detention Center Conditions

As of September there were 70,000-80,000 persons in prison, of whom approximately 2,500 were women and nearly 600 were children incarcerated with their mothers. Juveniles sometimes were incarcerated with adults, and small children were sometimes incarcerated with their mothers. Male and female prisoners generally were separated.Severe overcrowding was common, especially in sleeping quarters. The government provided approximately eight birr ($0.44) per prisoner per day for food, water, and health care. Many prisoners supplemented this amount with daily food deliveries from family members or by purchasing food from local vendors, although there were reports of some prisoners being prevented from receiving supplemental food from their families. Medical care was unreliable in federal prisons and almost nonexistent in regional prisons. Prisoners had limited access to potable water, as did many in the country. Also, water shortages caused unhygienic conditions, and most prisons lacked appropriate sanitary facilities. Many prisoners had serious health problems in detention but received little treatment. Information released by the Ministry of Health during the year reportedly stated nearly 62 percent of inmates in various jails across the country suffered from mental health problems as a result of solitary confinement, overcrowding, and lack of adequate health care facilities and services. The country has six federal and 120 regional prisons. There also are many unofficial detention centers throughout the country, including in Dedessa, Bir Sheleko, Tolay, Hormat, Blate, Tatek, Jijiga, Holeta, and Senkele. Most are located at military camps.

Denial of Fair Public Trial

During the year the government concluded trials against 31 persons who had been charged with terrorist activities under the antiterrorism proclamation. These trials included cases against 12 journalists, opposition political figures, and activists based in the country, as well as an Ethiopian employee of the UN. All were found guilty. Eighteen persons living abroad were convicted in absentia. The government also invoked the antiterrorism proclamation in charging 28 Muslims identified with protests and one Muslim accused of accepting funds illegally from a foreign embassy. Several international human rights organizations and foreign diplomatic missions raised concerns over the conduct of the trials. Observers found the evidence presented at trials to be either open to interpretation or indicative of acts of a political nature rather than linked to terrorism. Human rights groups also noted the law’s broad definition of terrorism, as well as its severe penalties, its broad rules of evidence, and the discretionary powers afforded police and security forces.In some sensitive cases deemed to involve matters of national security, notably the high-profile trials of activists in the Muslim community, detainees stated authorities initially denied them the right to see attorneys. The trial of the 28 Muslims identified with protests and one Muslim accused of accepting funds illegally from a foreign embassy was not fully open to family and supporters, although it was initially open to the press and diplomats. The trial of 11 persons (including six persons in absentia) charged on May 19 with being members of the terrorist organizations al-Qa’ida and al-Shabaab was not open to the public.

Internet Freedom

The government restricted access to the Internet and blocked several Web sites, including blogs, opposition Web sites, and Web sites of Ginbot 7, the OLF, and the ONLF. The government also temporarily blocked news sites such as the Washington Post, the Economist, and Al Jazeera, and temporarily blocked links to foreign government reporting on human rights conditions in the country. Several news blogs and Web sites run by opposition diaspora groups were not accessible. These included Addis Neger, Nazret, Ethiopian Review, CyberEthiopia, Quatero Amharic Magazine, Tensae Ethiopia, and the Ethiopian Media Forum. A foreign government news Web site was only available periodically, although users could generally access it via proxy sites. Authorities took steps to block access to Virtual Private Network (VPN) providers that let users circumvent government screening of Internet browsing and email. According to the government, 4 percent of individuals subscribed to Internet access.

Academic Freedom and Cultural Events
The government restricted academic freedom, including through decisions on student enrollment, teachers’ appointments, and the curriculum. Speech, expression, and assembly frequently were restricted on university and high school campuses.According to sources, the ruling party, via the Ministry of Education, continued to give preference to students loyal to the party in assignments to postgraduate programs. While party membership was not as common at the undergraduate level, some university staff members commented priority for employment after graduation in all fields was given to students who joined the party. The government also restricted academic freedom in other ways. Authorities limited teachers’ ability to deviate from official lesson plans. Numerous anecdotal reports suggested non-EPRDF members were more likely to be transferred to undesirable posts and bypassed for promotions. There were some reports of teachers not affiliated with the EPRDF being summarily dismissed for failure to attend nonscheduled meetings. There continued to be a lack of transparency in academic staffing decisions, with numerous complaints from individuals in the academic community alleging bias based on party membership, ethnicity, or religion.

Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association

Beginning in late 2011 and continuing throughout much of the year, some members of the Muslim community, alleging government interference in religious affairs, held peaceful protests following Friday prayers at several of Addis Ababa’s largest mosques, the Aweliya Islamic Center in Addis Ababa, and at other locations throughout the country. Most demonstrations occurred without incident, although some were met with arrests and alleged use of unnecessary force by police. In late July authorities arrested as many as 1,000 Muslim demonstrators, including members of a self-appointed committee claiming to represent the interests of the Muslim community, for protesting alleged government interference in religious affairs. The majority of the protesters subsequently were released without charge. On October 29, authorities charged 29 individuals under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation; 28 of the individuals were identified with the protest movement, while one was accused of accepting funds illegally from a foreign embassy. On October 21, in the South Wollo Zone of the Amhara Region, police and protesters clashed during a gathering during elections for the local Islamic council. Accounts of the event differed. One report indicated protesters threw stones at the houses of Muslims who participated in the election. In response to the stone throwing, police arrested the protest organizer. A crowd then marched on the police station, demanding his release. Protesters reportedly entered the police station by force, killing one police officer and seriously injuring another. Police reportedly killed two protesters, including the detained protest organizer.

Respect for Political Rights
Political parties were predominantly ethnically based. EPRDF constituent parties conferred advantages upon their members; the parties directly owned many businesses and were broadly perceived to award jobs and business contracts to loyal supporters. Several opposition political parties reported difficulty in renting homes or buildings in which to open offices, citing visits by EPRDF members to the landlords to persuade or threaten them not to rent property to these parties. During the year, there were credible reports teachers and other government workers had their employment terminated if they belonged to opposition political parties. According to Oromo opposition groups, the Oromia regional government continued to threaten to dismiss opposition party members, particularly teachers, from their jobs. Government officials made allegations many members of legitimate Oromo opposition political parties were secretly OLF members and more broadly that members of many opposition parties had ties to Ginbot 7. At the university level members of Medrek and its constituent parties were able to teach.

 

 

Ethiopian Journalists Challenge Anti-Terrorism Law !

 

From Mr.Endalkachew guluma

Ethiopian veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega and online journalist Reeyot Alemu have filed a complaint against Ethiopia at the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights, challenging the country’s abuse of its anti-terrorism law to suppress free speech. Both were convicted under Ethiopia’s notorious 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation for asking critical questions about government policies — simply put, for doing their job as journalists. Mr. Nega is currently serving an 18-year prison term and Ms. Alemu one of 5 years. Their cases are but two of many more that have been brought under the guise of “combatting terrorism” in the country. Eskinder Nega and his wife Serkalim Fasil. Photo used with permission of owner.
Ethiopia is one of many countries that has adopted anti-terrorism laws modeled after expansive legislation that specifically targets United States policy. Hundreds of journalists and other dissenting voices in the country have been prosecuted under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation since it entered into force in 2009. With its overly broad provisions, which even explicitly make practising journalism a crime, it has been employed as an effective tool of oppression in a context that wasn’t conducive to a free press to begin with. Reporters Without Borders ranked Ethiopia 137th out of 179 states in its 2013 World Press Freedom Index, 10 places lower than its 2012 ranking. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, more journalists fled into exile from Ethiopia in 2011 than from any other country worldwide and between 2008 and 2013, a total of 45 journalists went into exile from the country. Journalists and opposition political party members face frequent harassment, particularly when their coverage is critical of the government. Self-censorship is a routine consequence of the situation. Two of the journalists prosecuted under the 2009 Anti-Terrorism Proclamation are Eskinder Nega and Reeyot Alemu. For Mr. Nega, the founder of many independent publications in Ethiopia, all of which have now been shut down, this is the eighth time authorities are persecuting him because of his work. Together with Ms. Alemu, a political columnist for the now-banned independent newspaper Feteh and a regular contributor to the online news outlet Ethiopian Review, he is now challenging the legislation on which he previously wrote critical opinion pieces where he questioned the way the law was being used to jail journalists. Reeyot Alemu. Photo used with permission of owner. Their petition asks the African Commission to refer the case to the African Court on Human and Peoples’ Rights, which could issue a binding ruling against the Ethiopian government. This is necessary, they argue, because their case is merely an example of the many more journalists, activists and political opponents who are being prosecuted as “terrorists”. Under the African Charter, the Commission has the power to refer matters to the Court that concern a “serious or massive violation” of human rights. The complaint of Mr. Nega and Ms. Alemu sets out that the systematic prosecution of those critical of the government constitutes exactly that. Their decision to challenge the Ethiopian government is a very brave one. Since their imprisonment, both journalists have suffered repercussions for speaking out on their situation and those of others. Mr Nega and Ms. Alemu have both been denied visitation rights on a frequent basis and Ms. Alemu has been threatened with solitary confinement. Mr. Nega and Ms. Alemu are represented before the African Commission by Nani Jansen of the Media Legal Defence Initiative, Patrick Griffith of Freedom Now and Korieh Duodu of Lincolns Inn. The next upcoming session of the African Commission will take place in Banjul, The Gambia from 22 October – 5 November 2013.

From  Ethiopoia Mr.Endalkachew guluma

 

HUMAN RIGHT REPORT IN ETHIOPIA !

 

From  Mr.Endalkachew gulma

The sudden death in August 2012 of Ethiopia’s long-serving and powerful prime minister, Meles Zenawi, provoked uncertainty over the country’s political transition, both domestically and among Ethiopia’s international partners. Ethiopia’s human rights record has sharply deteriorated, especially over the past few years, and although a new prime minister, Hailemariam Desalegn, took office in September, it remains to be seen whether the government under his leadership will undertake human rights reforms. Ethiopian authorities continued to severely restrict basic rights of freedom of expression, association, and assembly in 2012. Thirty journalists and opposition members were convicted under the country’s vague Anti-Terrorism Proclamation of 2009.The security forces responded to protests by the Muslim community in Oromia and Addis Ababa, the capital, with arbitrary arrests, detentions, and beatings. The Ethiopian government continues to implement its “villagization” program: the resettlement of 1.5 million rural villagers in five regions of Ethiopia ostensibly to increase their access to basic services. Many villagers in Gambella region have been forcibly displaced, causing considerable hardship. The government is also forcibly displacing indigenous pastoral communities in Ethiopia’s Lower Omo Valley to make way for state-run sugar plantations.

Freedom of Expression, Association, and Assembly

Since the promulgation in 2009 of the Charities and Societies Proclamation (CSO Law), which regulates nongovernmental organizations, and the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, freedom of expression, assembly, and association have been increasingly restricted in Ethiopia. The effect of these two laws, coupled with the government’s widespread and persistent harassment, threats, and intimidation of civil society activists, journalists, and others who comment on sensitive issues or express views critical of government policy, has been severe. Ethiopia’s most important human rights groups have been compelled to dramatically  scale-down operations or remove human rights activities from their mandates, and an unknown number of organizations have closed entirely. Several of the country’s most experienced and reputable human rights activists have fled the country due to threats. The environment is equally hostile for independent media: more journalists have fled Ethiopia than any other country in the world due to threats and intimidation in the last decade—at least 79, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ). The Anti-Terrorism Proclamation is being used to target perceived opponents, stifle dissent, and silence journalists. In 2012, 30 political activists, opposition party members, and journalists were convicted on vaguely defined terrorism offenses. Eleven journalists have been convicted under the law since 2011. On January 26, a court in Addis Ababa sentenced both deputy editor Woubshet Taye and columnist Reeyot Alemu of the now-defunct weekly Awramaba Times to 14 years in prison. Reeyot’s sentence was later reduced to five years upon appeal and most of the charges were dropped. On July 13, veteran journalist and blogger Eskinder Nega, who won the prestigious PEN America Freedom to Write Award in April, was sentenced to 18 years in prison along with other journalists, opposition party members, and political activists. Exiled journalists Abiye Teklemariam and Mesfin Negash were sentenced to eight years each in absentia under a provision of the Anti-Terrorism Law that has so far only been used against journalists. Andualem Arage, a member of the registered opposition party Unity for Democracy and Justice (UDJ), was sentenced to life for espionage, “disrupting the constitutional order,” and recruitment and training to commit terrorist acts.
In September, the Ethiopian Federal High Court ordered the property of Eskinder Nega, exiled journalist Abebe Belew, and opposition member Andualem Arage to be confiscated. On July 20, after the government claimed that reports by the newspaper Feteh on Muslim protests and the prime minister’s health would endanger national security, it seized the entire print run of the paper. On August 24, Feteh’s editor, Temesghen Desalegn was arrested and denied bail. He was released on August 28, and all the charges were withdrawn pending further investigation. Police on July 20 raided the home of journalist Yesuf Getachew, editor-in-chief of the popular Muslim magazine Yemuslimoche Guday  (Muslim Affairs), and arrested him that night. The magazine has not been published since, and at this writing, Yesuf remained in detention. On December 27, 2011, two Swedish journalists, Martin Schibbye and Johan Persson, were found guilty of supporting a terrorist organization after being arrested while traveling in eastern Ethiopia with the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), an outlawed armed insurgent group. They were also convicted of entering the country illegally. The court sentenced them to 11 years in prison. On September 10, they were pardoned and released along with more than 1,950 other prisoners as part of Ethiopia’s annual tradition of amnesty to celebrate the Ethiopian New Year. On several occasions in July, federal police used excessive force, including beatings, to disperse largely Muslim protesters opposing the government’s interference with the country’s Supreme Council of Islamic Affairs. On July 13, police forcibly entered the Awalia mosque in Addis Ababa, smashing windows and firing tear gas inside the mosque. On July 21, they forcibly broke up a sit-in at the mosque. From July 19 to 21, dozens of people were rounded up and 17 prominent leaders were held without charge for over a week. Many of the detainees complained of mistreatment in detention.

Forced Displacement

The Ethiopian government plans to relocate up to 1.5 million people under its “villagization” program, purportedly designed to improve access to basic services by moving people to new villages in Ethiopia’s five lowland regions: Gambella, Benishangul-Gumuz, Afar, Southern Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Region (SNNPR), and Somali Region. In Gambella and in the South Omo Valley, forced displacement is taking place without adequate consultation and compensation. In Gambella, Human Rights Watch found that relocations were often forced and that villagers were being moved from fertile to unfertile areas. People sent to the new villages frequently have to clear the land and build their own huts under military supervision, while the promised services (schools, clinics, water pumps) often have not been put in place. In South Omo, around 200,000 indigenous peoples are being relocated and their land expropriated to make way for state-run sugar plantations. Residents reported being moved by force, seeing their grazing lands flooded or ploughed up, and their access to the Omo River, essential for their survival and way of life, curtailed.

Extrajudicial Executions, Torture and other Abuses in Detention

An Ethiopian government-backed paramilitary force known as the “Liyu Police” executed at least 10 men who were in their custody and killed 9 other villagers in Ethiopia’s Somali Region on March 16 and 17 following a confrontation over an incident in Raqda village, Gashaamo district. In April, unknown gunmen attacked a commercial farm owned by the Saudi Star company in Gambella that was close to areas that had suffered a high proportion of abuses during the villagization process. In responding to the attack, Ethiopian soldiers went house to house looking for suspected perpetrators and threatening villagers to disclose the whereabouts of the “rebels.” The military arbitrarily arrested many young men and committed torture, rape, and other abuses against scores of villagers while attempting to extract information.Human Rights Watch continues to document torture at the federal police investigation center known as Maekelawi in Addis Ababa, as well as at regional detention centers and military barracks in Somali Region, Oromia, and Gambella. There is erratic access to legal counsel and insufficient respect for other due process guarantees during detention, pre-trial detention, and trial phases of politically sensitive cases, placing detainees at risk of abuse.

Treatment of Ethiopian Migrant Domestic Workers

The videotaped beating and subsequent suicide on March 14 of Alem Dechasa-Desisa, an Ethiopian domestic worker in Lebanon, brought increased scrutiny to the plight of tens of thousands of Ethiopian women working in the Middle East. Many migrant domestic workers incur heavy debts and face recruitment-related abuses in Ethiopia prior to employment abroad, where they risk a wide range of abuses from long hours of work to slavery-like conditions (see chapters on the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, and Lebanon).

Key International Actors

Under Meles Zenawi’s leadership, Ethiopia played an important role in regional affairs: deploying UN peacekeepers to Sudan’s disputed Abyei area, mediating between Sudan and South Sudan, and sending troops into Somalia as part of the international effort to combat al-Shabaab. Ethiopia’s relations with its neighbor Eritrea remain poor following the costly border war of 1998-2000. Eritrea accepted the ruling of an independent boundary commission that awarded it disputed territory; Ethiopia did not. Ethiopia is an important strategic and security ally for Western governments, and the biggest recipient of development aid in Africa. It now receives approximately US$3.5 billion in long-term development assistance each year.  Donor policies do not appear to have been significantly affected by the deteriorating human rights situation in the country. The World Bank approved a new Country Partnership Strategy in September that takes little account of the human rights or good governance principles that it and other development agencies say are essential for sustainable development. It also approved a third phase of the Protection of Basic Services program (PBS III) without triggering safeguards on involuntary resettlement and indigenous peoples.