Invisible Crisis !

Badessa” was a third-year engineering student in western Ethiopia in April 2014 when he and most of his classmates joined a protest over the potential displacement of ethnic Oromo farmers like his family because of the government’s plan to expand the capital, Addis Ababa, into the farmland.Women mourn during the funeral ceremony of Dinka Chala, a primary school teacher whom family members said was shot dead by military forces during a demonstration in Holonkomi town, Ethiopia on December 17, 2015 Reuters The night of the first protests he was arrested and taken to an unmarked detention center. Each night he heard his fellow students screaming in agony as one by one they were tortured by interrogators. “I still hear the screams,” he told me later. Eventually his turn came to be interrogated. “What kind of country is it when I voice concern that my family could lose their farm for a government project and I am arrested, tortured, and now living as a refugee?”Since mid-November, large-scale protests have again swept through Oromia, Ethiopia’s largest region, and the response from security forces has again been brutal. They have killed countless students and farmers, and arrested opposition politicians and countless others. On January 12, the government announced it was cancelling the master plan, but that hasn’t stopped the protests and the resultant crackdown.Although the protest was initially about the potential for displacement, it has become about so much more. Despite being the biggest ethnic group in Ethiopia, Oromos have often felt marginalized by successive governments and feel unable to voice concerns over government policy. Oromos who express dissent are often arrested and tortured or otherwise mistreated in detention, accused of belonging to the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a group that has long been mostly inactive and that the government designated a terrorist organization.The government is doing all it can to make sure that the news of these protests doesn’t circulate within the country or reach the rest of the world. Ethiopia’s allies, including governments in the region and the African Union, have largely stood by as Ethiopia has steadily strangled the ability of ordinary Ethiopians to access information and peacefully express their views, whether in print or in public demonstrations. But they should be worried about what is happening in Oromia right now, as Ethiopia — Africa’s second most-populous country and a key security ally of the US — grapples with this escalating crisis.This may prove to be the biggest political event to hit Ethiopia since the controversial 2005 elections   resulted in a crackdown on protesters in which security forces killed almost 200 people and arrested tens of thousands .Although the government focuses its efforts on economic development and on promoting a narrative of economic success, for many farmers in Oromia and elsewhere economic development comes at a devastating cost. As one Oromo student told me “All we hear about is development. The new foreign-owned farms and roads is what the world knows, but that just benefits the government. For us [Oromos] it means we lose our land and then we can’t sustain ourselves anymore.”It has become almost impossible for journalists and human rights monitors to get information about what is happening, especially in smaller towns and rural areas outside Addis Ababa. Ethiopia is one of the most restrictive environments for independent investigation, reporting, and access to information, earning the country a top-10 spot in the global ranking of jailers of journalists. For the past decade, the government has limited access to information by regularly threatening, imprisoning, and prosecuting individual activists, bloggers, and journalists and sending a clear public message that the media must self-censor and that dissent or criticism of government policy will not be tolerated.Independent media have dwindled—more than 70 journalists have fled the country since 2010 and five of the last independent publications closed down before the May elections. Meanwhile the state-run media parrot the government line, in this case claiming that the Oromo protesters are linked to “terrorist groups” and “anti-peace elements” who are “aiming to create havoc and chaos.”Very few international journalists are based in Ethiopia. Those who have attempted to cover events on the ground since the protests began have braved threats and arrest, but these are a few lone voices.Given restrictions on local and international media, you might think that ordinary citizens, local activists, and nongovernmental organizations would fill the gaps and document the events in Oromia. But Ethiopia’s human rights activists and independent groups have been crushed by draconian legislation and threats, and even ordinary people are often terrified to speak out. People who dare to speak to international media outlets or independent groups have been arrested. The government taps  phone lines and uses European med spyware to target journalists and opposition members outside the country.Since the protests began, the restrictions have become even harsher. Authorities have arrested people, including health workers, for posting photos and videos or messages of support on social media. The state-run telecom network has also been cut in some areas, making it much more difficult to get information out from hotspots.Radio and satellite television outlets based outside Ethiopia, including some diaspora stations, play a key role disseminating information about the protests within Oromia, as they also did in 2014 during the last round of protests. Last year numerous people were arrested in Oromia during the protests merely for watching the diaspora-run Oromia Media Network (OMN).The government has frequently jammed foreign stations in the past, violating international regulations in the process. When the government is unable to jam it puts pressure on the satellite companies themselves. Throughout the protests government agents have reportedly been destroying satellite dishes.Yet despite the clear efforts to muzzle voices, information is coming out. Some protesters are losing their fear of expressing dissent and are speaking openly about the challenges they are facing. Social media plays a key role in disseminating information as people share photos and videos of rallies, of bloodied protesters, and of expressions of peaceful resistance in the face of security forces using excessive force.In the coming days and weeks Ethiopia’s friends and partners should condemn the use of excessive force by security forces that is causing tragic and unnecessary deaths. But they should also be clear that Ethiopia needs to ensure access to information and stop disrupting telecommunications and targeting social media users. The world needs to know what is happening in Oromia—and Ethiopians have a right to know what is happening in their country !

 

 

በቡሬ ግንባር ከፍተኛ ቁጥር ያላቸው የህወሓት መራሹ መከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት ከዱ፡፡

 

freedom !

 

ህወሓት በ1983 ዓ.ም መላ አገሪቱን በነፍጥ እንደተቆጣጠረ በሁለት ያለፉ የኢትዮጵያ መንግስታት ከፍተኛ የህዝብ ሀብት፣ ዕውቀትና ጉልበት ፈሶበት ለዘመናት በስንት ልፋትና ጥረት የተገነባውን የአገር መከላከያ ሰራዊት ባደረበት ጭፍን ጥላቻና ቂም ብቻ ተመስርቶ “የደርግ ነው” በሚል ሰበብ ባንድ ጀምበር ንዶ ማፈራረሱን አገር ያወቀው ፀሃይ የሞቀው ሀቅ ነው፡፡
ከበረሃ የመጡ ድኩማን ታጋዮቹን ለሙያው የሚመጥን ምንም አይነት ዘመናዊ ዕውቀት ሳይኖራቸው የጀነራልነት ማዕረግ በማሸከም በአየር ኃይሉና በምድር ኃይሉ ውስጥ በሚገኙ የአዛዥነት ቦታዎች ላይ እነሱን ብቻ አስቀምጦ ስልጣኑን ለመጠበቅ ብቻ እንዲተጉለት በማድረግ የአገራችንን ብሄራዊ ደህንነት አደጋ ላይ ጥሎት ይገኛል፡፡
ህወሓት የተባለው ዘረኛ ቡድን ውስጡ በቂምና በጥላቻ ብቻ ተሞልቶ ያፈራረሰውን የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሰራዊት በኢትዮ-ኤርትራ ጦርነት ወቅት አደጋ ባንዣበበበት ጊዜ ጥሪ በማድረግ መልሶ ለመሰብሰብ የሞከረ ሲሆን ከጦርነቱ በኋላ ደግሞ አብዛኞቹን ከተጠቀመባቸው በኋላ እንደገና አባሯቸዋል፡፡
አሁን ደግሞ አርበኞች ግንቦት 7 ለአንድነትና ዴሞክራሲ ንቅናቄ እያፋፋመው ከሚገኘው የአርበኝነት ትግል ጋር በተያያዘ ከትግራይ ተወላጅ የህወሓት ተጋዮች ውጭ በሆኑ ወታደራዊ አዛዦች ላይ ዕምነት በማጣቱ የመከላከያ ኃይሉን የማጥራት የወቅቱ አንገብጋቢ ውሳኔውን የቀድሞ የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላትን በማባረር ተግባራዊ ማድረግ ጀምሯል፡፡
ቂምና በቀሉ መቸም የማይበርድለት ህወሓት በተደጋጋሚ የደም ቁማር ሲቆምርባቸው ከኖሩት የተባረሩ የቀድሞው የኢትዮጵያ መከላከያ ሰራዊት አባላት አብዛኞቹ የአርበኝነት ትግሉን በመቀላቀል ላይ ናቸው፡፡

 

strangle !

 

over here the picuter that me ! when i miss my country freedom i have obligation to fight for freedom and democrasey in my home land ! today i have news for my blog flower ! when Secretary of State John F. Kerry traveled to Ethiopia last year, he met a young blogger named Natnael Feleke. When he returned a few months ago, Kerry found that Feleke, along with five other bloggers and three journalists, had been arrested — the latest in a long line of journalists the Ethiopian government has detained on the claim that they were trying to incite terrorism. Although Kerry addressed the arrests with officials he met, and President Obama has spoken forcefully on the importance of good governance in Africa, preoccupation with immediate security priorities — in particular counter-terrorism — trumps the fine words.

It is our hope that President Obama will use the summit of African leaders he is hosting this week to launch a new chapter in U.S.-African relationships — one in which support for good governance will guide U.S. policy, in deed as well as in word. If not, the result is likely to be more of the very violence and instability that counter-terrorism is supposed to curb.

In our country of Ethiopia, the government maintains a stranglehold on freedom of expression. Journalists or activists who question the ruling party or its actions face arbitrary arrests and repression. After his April visit, when Kerry made the long overdue comment that it was important for anti-terrorist mechanisms to avoid curbing the free exchange of ideas, Ethiopian democracy activists around the world were thrilled.

Yet at the same time, we know that words, even from a U.S. secretary of State, will not be sufficient to counter years of repression and disregard for human rights. The Ethiopian ruling regime — like many others in Africa — has ignored criticism from abroad; indeed, Feleke’s and the other journalists’ arrests came just days before Kerry’s visit to Ethiopia.

Shortly after his election in 2009, Obama delivered a speech in Accra, Ghana, sketching the elements of his policy toward Africa, which involved focusing on “good governance,” “the rule of law” and “civic participation.”
In spite of Ethiopia’s well-documented record of oppression and corruption, it has become the biggest recipient of U.S. foreign aid in sub-Saharan Africa.
Ethiopia, though projected by Washington as well as Addis Ababa as an important U.S. ally, violates these principles at every turn. The regime’s draconian Charities and Societies Proclamation Act in essence criminalizes civil society. Under the terms of its 2009 anti-terrorism law, security forces can enter any home and seize any person or belonging. Presumed sympathy to anyone suspected of “terrorism,” which is very broadly defined, is punishable by death. It was under this law that Natnael Feleke was arrested.

In spite of Ethiopia’s well-documented record of oppression and corruption, it has become the biggest recipient of U.S. foreign aid in sub-Saharan Africa, receiving more than $6 billion since 2011. And to date, the U.S. has failed to hold the leaders of Ethiopia accountable for its abusive governance. America’s silence in the face of egregious human rights violations and brutal oppression is perceived by Ethiopians as favoring the autocratic regime.

Such oppression, combined with systematic state corruption, have resulted in a narrow, monopolistic form of governance. Ethiopia’s much-touted economic growth has mainly benefited kleptocrats, while reducing standards of living for many. In rural Ethiopia, the government has opened vast tracts of land to foreign investors from Saudi Arabia, India and China, and has also allotted enormous tracts to government-owned sugar plantations — whose returns enrich regime insiders. Large dams have flooded indigenous lands, and are creating renewed conflict over land and water resources. Such tactics are not a recipe for stability — quite the reverse.

Yet, U.S. officials seem oblivious to how the Ethiopian regime exploits its role as a key ally in America’s war on terrorism to crush dissent and silence journalists and human rights activists.

Awareness of oppression in Ethiopia is growing. Sen. Patrick J. Leahy (D-Vt.) has been urging various administrations to reconsider support of the regime since the 2005 elections, when hundreds of peaceful protesters were killed. And in June 2013, Rep. Christopher H. Smith (R-N.J.) held a hearing called “The Future of Democracy and Human Rights” in Ethiopia.

We welcome this sort of pressure from the international community and specifically from the United States, and we believe that over the long term it can help bring about democratic change. President Obama, who is much admired in Ethiopia, should review U.S. policy and take a clear stand; his words must then be reinforced by the actions of his government.

Meron Ahadu and Lulit Mesfin are Ethiopian American democracy and human rights advocates.

 

 

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲን !

 

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲን ለምን ወያኔ ፈራው

ለመሆኑ ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ምንድነው?

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ውልደትና እድገት በአውሮፓ በ18ኛ ክ/ዘመን መሆኑ ይነገራል፡፡ የሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ዋና መገለጫው የሊበራሊዝም ፅንሰ-ሐሳቦች ማእከል ማድረጉ ሲሆን ይህም በዋናነት የግለሰብ ነፃነት ዋና እምብርቱ ነው፡፡ በመገለጫነትም ነፃ ፍትሓዊና አወዳዳሪ ምርጫዎችን ማስኬድ፣ የፖለቲካ ምህዳር ማስፋት፣ የሕግ የበላይነት፣ የዲሞክራሲና ነፃነት መብቶችን ማክበር፣ ፍትሕን ማስፈን ወ.ዘ.ተ ያጠቃልላል፡፡ ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ በርካታ ዐይነት የመንግስትና የሕገመንግስት አወቃቀሮች ሊኖሩት ይችላሉ፡፡ ለአብነት፡ ሪፓብሊካዊ (እነ ፈረንሳይ፣ ጀርመን፣ ህንድ፣ ጣልያን ወ.ዘ.ተ)፤ ንጉሳዊ ሕገ-መንግስት (ጃፓን፣ ስፐይን፣ ሆላንድ፣ እንግሊዝ)፤ ፕሬዚደንታዊ (አሜሪካ፣ ብራዚል፣ ሜክሲኮ፣ አርጀንቲና)፤ ፓርላመንታዊ ስርዐት(አውስትራልያ፣ ህንድ፣ ፓኪስታን፣ ፖላንድ ወ.ዘ.ተ)፡፡

ከላይ እንደተገለፀው የሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ዋና መገለጫ የግለሰብ ነፃነት ማክበር ነው፡፡ ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ በአውሮፓ የነበሩ ጨቋኝ ንጉሳዊ አገዛዞችና ፈላጭ ቆራጮችን አደብ ለማስገዛት ነበር በጊዜው የነበሩ የአብርሆት ዘመን ምሁራን (enlightment intellectuals) የተመሰረተው፡፡ መሰረታዊ መርሁ ሰው ሁሉ እኩል ነው ብሎ የተነሳው እንቅስቃሴ የነአሜሪካና ፈረንሳይ አብዮቶችን አቀጣጠለ፣ ቀስ በቀስም ዐለምን ሁሉ አዳርሶ አብዛኛውን የዐለም ህዝብ የሚጠቀምበት ስርዐተ-ማሕበር ሊሆን ችሏል፡፡

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ የመንግስትን የፖለቲካ፣ ኢኮኖሚና ሞራላዊ ጣልቃ ገብነት በእጅጉ የሚቀንስና እጁ እንዲያነሳ የሚያስገድድ ነው፡፡ ይህም ኢኮኖሚው ለገበያው አሳልፎ እንዲሰጥና ገበያው እራሱን በራሱ እንዲያስተዳድር የሚያደርግ ነው፡፡

ከቀድሞዎቹ እነ ማርክስ፣ ሌኒን፣ አሁን ደግሞ እነ ናኦም ቾምስኪና ኤድዋርድ ሀርማንና መሰሎቻቸው ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲን የሐብታሞች መጨቆኛ መሳርያ ነው ብለው ቢከራከሩም ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ግን ግለኝነትና ስግብግብነት እየጨመረባት ባለችው ዐለም ውስጥ አሁንም ይሁን ለወደፊቱ ገዢ ሐሳብ ሆኖ መዝለቁ አይቀርም፡፡

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ የብዙዎቹ ያደጉና በፍጥነት እያደጉ ያሉ አብዛኛዎቹ የዐለም ሐገራት የሚመሩበት ነው፡፡ ዲሞክራሲያዊቷ ማሊ ደኽይታ ጨቋኛ ቻይና ስበለፀገች መሰል ቁንፅል አብነቶች እያመጡ ዲሞክራሲን ከልማት ጋር ነጣጥሎ ለማየት መሞከር የከፋ ስህተት ላይ ይጥላል፡፡ 90 % ሐቅ የሚያመለከተው ዲሞክራሲና ብልፅግና ለያይቶ ማየት እንደማይቻል ነው፡፡

ኢህአዴግ ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ አብዝቶ የሚጠላበት ምክንያት ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ፈጣን እድገት ስለማያመጣ አይደለም፡፡ አፍሪካ ውስጥ በፍጥነት እያደጉ ያሉና የአብዛኛውን የህዝባቸው ጠጠቃሚነት ያረጋገጡ ብዙዎቹ ሀገራት በሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ የሚመሩ ናቸው፡፡ ለምሳሌ፡ ቦትስዋና፣ ጋና፣ ሞሪሸስና ሌሎች፡፡

ኢህአዴግ ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲን የሚጠላበት ምክንያት የመንግስት ተፅዕኖና ጡንቻ ስለሚገድብ ነው፡፡

1. ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ አብዛኛውን የሐገራችን ወጣት የኢህአዴግ የኢኮኖሚ ጥገኛ እንዲሆን አያስችልም:
2. ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ የኢህአዴግ መንግስት የኢኮኖሚውን አውታር ሁሉ በእጁ አስገብቶ ስራ ለመቀጠርና ማንኛውም የኢኮኖሚ ጥቅም እንድታገኝ አባልነትን እንደመስፈርት እንዲጠቀም አያስችለውም:
3. ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ በነፃ ውድድርና በስራ እንጂ ኢህአዴግ የራሱን ባለሀብቶች እንዲፈበርክ አያስችለውም:
4. ጥቃቅንና አነስተኛ፣ ማሕበራት ምናምን እየተባሉ ወጣቱን በብድርና በሌላ መልክ ሁሉ ለመቆጣጠርና ህሊናውንና ኪሱን ለመግዛት ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ምቹ አይደለም፡፡

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ከጎዳም የሚጎዳው መንግስታትን እንጂ ህዝቡን አይደለም፡፡

እስቲ አስቡት፡ አሁን ለምሳሌ መብራት ሐይል የግል ቢሆን ለ 5 ደቂቃም መብራት ቢቋረጥ ለደረሰብህ ጉዳትና ኪሳራ ካሳ ትጠይቃለህ፣ ሕግም ይፈቅድልሀል፡፡ በመንግስት እጅ ግን አንድ ዐመትም ቢጠፋብህ አልቅሰህ ዝም ማለት ነው- በተለይም በኛ ሐገር ባለው ነባራዊ ሁኔታ፡፡ ቴሌም እንዲሁ የግል ቢሆንና በርካታ ተወዳዳሪዎች ቢመጡ እንዲህ ይጫወትብን ነበር ባንኮችስ ቢሆኑ ሌሎች የመሰረተ ልማቶችም ቢሆኑ በተሻለ ጥራትና ፍጥነት ይሰሩ ነበር፡፡

ሀገር የምታድገው የሐገሪቷ ነዋሪዎች ገቢ ሲያድግ፣ ኢንተርፕረነሮች ሲበዙ፣ ኢንዳስትሪ ሲስፋፋ እንጂ በቢሮክራሲና በሙስና የተሸበበ መንግስት ህዝብን አራቁቶ ሀብቱን ሁሉ ሰብስቦ ዘላቂና እውነተኛ እድገት ያመጣል ብሎ ማሰብ የሚቻል አይመስለኝም፡፡

የኢህአዴግ በሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ ላይ ያለው የከረረ ጥላቻም ከራሱ ጥቅም አንፃር ብቻ ነው፡፡ ህዝቡን በተለይም ወጣቱን በተለያየ ዘዴ የመንግስቱ የኢኮኖሚ ጥገኛ በማድረግና ሌላ ነገር እዳያስብ ኪሱም አእምሮውንም መስለብ፡፡ በውጤቱም የኢህአዴግ ዕድሜ ማርዘም፡፡

ሊበራል ዲሞክራሲ የሚያስፈራው መንግስታትን በተለይም ጨቋኝ መንግስታትና ይሀንን ጭቆና ማራዘም የሚፈልጉትን እንጂ ህዝብን አይደለም፡፡

 

 

 

 

 

ethiopia

 

Ethiopian by Mr.Endalkachew gulum

-April 28, 2014The Committee to Protect Journalists is alarmed by the Ethiopian government’s arrests of nine journalists in one of the worst crackdowns against free expression in the country.

 

Top row, from left: Zelalem, Natnail, Mahlet. Middle row, from left: Atnaf, Abel, Befekadu. Bottom row, from left: Tesfalem, Edom, Asmamaw. (Courtesy Zone 9, Addis Guday, Facebook)

“With the latest arrests, Ethiopian authorities are turning the peaceful exercise of free expression into a crime,” said CPJ East Africa Representative Tom Rhodes.

On Sunday, a public prosecutor in the capital, Addis Ababa, accused the detainees–editor Asmamaw Hailegeorgis, freelancers Tesfalem Waldyes and Edom Kassaye, and bloggers Abel Wabella, Atnaf Berhane, Mahlet Fantahun, Natnail Feleke, Zelalem Kibret, and Befekadu Hailu–of working with foreign human rights organizations and using social media to create instability in the country, according to news reports and local journalists. Tesfalem, Asmamaw, and Zelalem will have their next court hearing on May 7, while the rest will appear in court on May 8, the same sources said. The journalists have not been formally charged with a crime.

The bloggers are members of an independent collectivecalled Zone 9, which publishes news and commentary, according to news reports. Formed in May 2012 in response to the evisceration of the independent press and the narrowing of the space for free expression, the group’s name is derived from Kality Prison, the main jail where Ethiopia’s political prisoners, including several journalists, are held, reports said. With the motto “We Blog Because We Care,” the group has voiced concerns over domestic issues, including political repression and social injustice. The Zone 9 blogs were frequently blocked inside Ethiopia, but gained a following with Ethiopians in the diaspora, according to local reports.

The arrests follow an April 23 announcement on Facebook by the bloggers in which they said they would resume publishing after seven months of inactivity. They had suspended publishing after being harassed by security agents, according to the blog. The day before their arrest, security agents allegedly ordered Natnail to hand over contact details of all Zone 9 members, a request he refused, local journalists told CPJ.

Local journalists said the other detainees–Asmamaw, a senior editor of the private Amharic weekly news magazine Addis Guday, and freelancers Tesfalem and Edom–may have been arrested on suspicion of being affiliated with the Zone 9 journalists.  Edom had been approached on several occasions and asked about her relationship to the other Zone 9 journalists and the support they received from outside organizations, the same sources said.

“These are not journalists. Their arrest has nothing to do with journalism, but with serious criminal activities,” Getachew Reda, an adviser to Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, told Reuters. “We don’t crack down on journalism or freedom of speech. But if someone tries to use his or her profession to engage in criminal activities, then there is a distinction there.”

“We call on Ethiopian authorities to halt their slide into paranoia and authoritarianism, and instead to allow critical commentary and public debate to thrive,” said CPJ’s Rhodes. “These nine journalists should be released immediately.”

Ethiopian government spokesman Shimeles Kemal did not immediately return CPJ’s repeated calls for comment.

The journalists, who were arrested in multiple raids on Friday and Saturday, have been denied access to their family and lawyers and are being held at the Maekelawi federal detention center, according to local journalists. According to a report by Human Rights Watch, interrogators at Maekelawi routinely use torture to extract false confessions from detainees. The Ethiopian government denies the allegations.

 

 

Numerous Human Rights Violations In Ethiopia !

 

From mr.Endalkachew guluma

In Ethiopia, EPRDF has set unconstitutional legislation to protect its own crime against the people and to prolong its life span on power. The new Press Law and the Controversial Anti – Terrorism laws are some of the mechanical devices the dictatorial government muzzles opposition voices and fundamental human rights. Those who dare to ask their right are left behind bars. These days two-third of the population is left to a complete destitution; and more than ever, a great deal of citizens are forced to leave the country as their security or livelihood is drastically under risk. The consistent prejudice and the day to day injustice committed against those who cry for impartiality are clear indications that authorities running the judicial system are not qualified rather handpicked to implement the interest of the governing party without questioning the judgment is unfair or just. The outcry and misery of Ethiopians are not limited only for those who are living inside the country, under the iron grip of EPRDF. Unprecedented number of refugees and immigrants living on foreign land all over the world, who are not partakers of the oppression, are also crying. The cry longing for the end of tribalism, despotism, racial segregation, and fascism that reigns in the country; and this cry is not merely out of their mouth but flaming out from their gut out of desperation. As the gruesome human right violations are getting worse, many Ethiopians are left with no other option than leaving the country, crossing borders in tears. In the process of this forced migration, many Ethiopians cry for being victims of illegal and inhuman organ trade (trafficking) in Sinai and other dessert s. Quite many cry falling in the fierce Jaw of beasts while crossing jungles. Others risk their life crossing dangerous sea and ocean waves on worn out boats under the shadow of death; and many of them cry while capsizing to be buried under sea bed or becoming live preys for sharks.

Our sisters living in Middle East and Arab countries are crying under the shackle of modern slavery; being denied their wage for the harsh labor work they are subjected for. Some become victim of boiled oil by their employers and cry bearing life threatening burns and scars on their face and bodies. As if these are not enough to bear on their weak shoulder, many of young girls are being raped without their consent and become hopeless to get any legal protection or justice. Some have lost their life being thrown off high building and those who are lucky to survive are crying being disabled. Still a lot are crying as they are being chased for having no residential permit or paper, locked in prison where they sustain inhuman corporal punishments. Currently, in Ethiopia the Anuak nation is crying as they become victims of genocide. The Amharas are also crying as they are being displaced from place to place and treated as unwanted citizens in their own country. The same fate is hunting Oromo people and they cry in solitary and mass confinement in shaggy prisons scattered all over the country. Scholars are crying as they are being sentenced to death for writing or telling the truth. Religious and sacred places have become war zones. Monks and nuns cry as they are being flogged and persecuted in Waldiba monastery. Who is not crying? The whole nation is crying; crying by the same cause: unlimited injustice and human right violations of EPRDF. Through different means of incarceration and even by systematic killing of oppositions, EPRDF has become the sole governing party of the country for the last two decades; yet it couldn’t win the heart  and mind of the people. There are times the party applies a fear-appeal management to make people submissive for its power; terrorizing people on racial and religious grounds. Sometimes, it threatens citizens to lose their work or other benefits unless they stay loyal to the party and keep silent to ask their right. At first, the party was playing racism as a winning card to stay in power and to win public trust; but that couldn’t yield any fruit. Knowing its failure, now, it has been a few years since EPRDF has started to play advocacy for some sentimental and nationally honored concepts which the party doesn’t really committed to or believe on. For instance, recently, the party invested a lot resource to celebrate The Ethiopia Millennium with the people as if it didn’t deny that and said the country has only a history of one century. Again, as if EPRDF didn’t degrade the honor of the country `s flag and called it” a piece of rug, ” now it has started to celebrate flag and culture days nationally. Not only these, EPRDF is currently using the Nile dam, Hidase as a hot cake to lure the appetite of the nation to get his back. However, the people are well aware of its motives and understood these acts of the party have no real essence to cheer beyond being instrumental to stay in power. If there is one thing the party doesn`t understand or still not will to admit is that EPRDF was not, is not and will not be  able to earn public trust and support.

 

 

Violations of human rights in Ethiopia !

Politics ! from  mr.Endalkachew guluma

-modern concept of human rights is rooted in the experiences of ‘legal lawlessness’ when crimes were committed with the authorization of the law, and when some human beings were denied their status as such. An answer to these experiences was the emergence of the international human rights law. The main aim of this branch of international law is to prevent broad violations of fundamental rights from recurring in the future. Appreciating the worth of every human being, the international community decided to eliminate elements that could destroy the individual person, but also to create the conditions that would enable him or her to develop and flourish. Accordingly, the Preambles to the International Bill of Rights provide that the “foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world” is the “inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family.” (International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966). However, the dictator government of Ethiopia, otherwise known the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), is unable in the enforcement of these rights and remain a headache – mainly due to technical blockades, lack of effective institutions, or the existence of weak institutions only, and lack of political will to implement human rights with differing degrees. Therefore, asking your rights in Ethiopia will either lead you to  imprisoned or count you as anti-government.

Instability in the Horn of Africa and TPLF
The current crisis in the Horn of Africa is a struggle between oppressed peoples, who are fighting for self-determination and, on the other hand, the regime of TPLF that is trying to impose its rule by force.

The regime has set off war, hunger, poverty and disease to ransack the country. In particular, the regime has been and is systematically violating human rights of the Oromo and other peoples in the country as well and the neighboring regions. There are many resistance movements in Ethiopia to stop these human rights violations of the TPLF regime; among them is the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF).

The Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) believes in peace, democracy and development. As the main organ that is championing the right of self-determination of the Oromo people, it fully realizes the present day global reality. It affirms that the international community does have legitimate concerns and interests in the political stability and economic development of the Horn of Africa. Moreover, the OLF is cognizant of the fact that the day of carving spheres of influence and promoting clients in superpower rivalry has given way to globalization. Further, the OLF firmly believes in the immediate termination of the vicious cycle of political conflicts, economic backwardness, environmental degradation, natural and man-made disasters that today ravage the peoples of the Horn of Africa. (OLF on Liberating the Oromo People for Stability and Development in the Horn of Africa)

Human Rights Issues in Ethiopia
Allegations of arbitrary detention, torture, and other ill-treatment at the hands of Ethiopian police and other security forces are not new. But, since the disputed 2005 elections, the Ethiopian government has intensified restrictions on freedom of expression, association, and assembly, deploying a range of measures to clamp down on dissidents. These include arresting and detaining political opposition figures, journalists, and other independent voices, and implementing laws that severely restrict independent human rights monitoring and press freedom.

Since 2009, a new law, the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation, has become a particularly potent instrument to restrict free speech. The law’s provision undermine basic legal safeguards against prolonged pre-charge detention and unfair trials. In this context, Maekelawi, the main torture and investigation facility, has become an important site for the detention and investigation of some of the most politically sensitive cases.

Many detainees accused of offenses under the law — including some of Ethiopia’s most prominent political prisoners — have been detained in the Maekelawi facility as their cases were investigated or prepared for trial (Human Rights Watch, 2013).

In addition, as a result of enforcement of the FDRE Proclamation 621/2009 (the Charities and Societies Proclamation), which has been intended to impose superior regulation of charities, the party leaders of TPLF decide who should receive and who should not receive the emergency support at grassroots level in the respective community. Older Oromos are usually victims of this type of abuse because of their allegiances to the values of the Oromo Gadaa system, that promotes respect and dignity to people in difficult situation. In so doing, technically, the authorities decide who should die from and who should survive the hunger. (Ethiopia/UK: Oromo rally in London)

Endless Focus on Oromos by TPLF, Why?
The Oromo people constitute the single largest national group in the Ethiopia empire and the Horn of Africa with the total population of over 40 million. The number of the Oromo people and the geographical location of their country Oromia make the Oromo country (Oromia) the heart of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian empire mainly survives on the economic resources of Oromia although the Oromo people are one of the most impoverished and terrorized indigenous people. Recognizing that Oromia is the richest and largest populous state, the Tigrayan-led Ethiopia government has been using collective violence to dominate, control and exploit Oromia, which is the key in controlling the Ethiopian government’s political economy. Understanding the situation in Oromia helps in generalizing what is going through the country. (Oromo Studies Association, 2010)

The Oromo people are arrested and accused of being members or supporters or sympathizers of the Oromo liberation struggle led by the OLF. To the Ethiopian government authorities, every Oromo appears to be a member of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), a political organisation struggling for the socio-economic, cultural and political rights of the Oromo people. One has to prove he/she is not a member or supporter of the OLF in order to live in relative peace. The safest proof is one and only one – to become a member of the EPRDF, the ruling coalition party of organizations created by TPLF; failure to prove non-affiliation with OLF or any attempt to remain politically indifferent has come to be dangerous in Ethiopia for every ordinary Oromo. Business persons are systematically eliminated from investment and smallscale business if they fail to be members of the ruling party in any case. Every student in college or university is required to secure membership of the ruling party at the campus in order for her/him to get a job in public institutions or to run private business after the completion of the study. The situation is worse for the rural people whereby farmers are required to be members of and demonstrate allegiance to the EPRDF in order to get agricultural inputs and/or have their children learn in school without assault by the government security.